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Appendix II

Intelligence and the war in Bosnia 1992 – 1995: The role of the intelligence and security services

Chapter 4
Secret arms supplies and other covert actions


... embargo.[1] Finally, it is remarkable that no report was made of smuggling of nuclear fuels to Serbia, although this country did have a secret nuclear programme.[2]

Other 'donors' to the VRS

The VRS also received support from the Russian mafia, who supplied arms and oil abundantly. Much would reach Serbia in transit via the Danube; payments were made from Cyprus. In the summer of 1995, more than 480 Serbian companies were based on that island, a number of which had direct links with Milosevic. Oil, petrol, trucks, arms, ammunition, machine parts and consumer goods were purchased through these companies. Each week, the trade was estimated at £ 6 million. The Russian mafia was also said to be involved with the sale of tanks from Red Army stocks.[3]

Israel is also alleged to have supplied arms to the VRS. The intermediary in this was Jezdimir Vasiljevic, a banker and a confidant of Milosevic. In October 1991, he reached an agreement with Israel, and after that transactions went via the Croat Boris Krasni and the state companies Jugoeksport and Jugoslavija Publik. According to press publications, in 1992 Bosnian Serbs allowed large parts of the Jewish community in Sarajevo to leave the city in exchange for arms supplies from Israel. There were more indications of Israel's involvement: at the end of 1994, an investigation into the remains of a mortar grenade on Sarajevo airfield revealed that it bore Hebrew letters, and in August 1995, a news programme on Israeli television reported that private Israeli arms dealers were supplying the VRS. This must have taken place with the consent of the government.[4]

In summary: the VRS, like the ABiH, was supplied with arms, ammunition and oil on a large scale. Serbia, as well as other countries, was responsible. The supplies ran partly through the border crossings on the Drina, but also via Croatia. The ICFY mission did its best to monitor the embargo, but received hardly any intelligence, and was also not in a position to man all the checkpoints, so there was a great deal that they were unable to observe.

  



[1] Robert Fox, 'UN failing to halt sanction-busting trade with Serbia', The Daily Telegraph, 12/05/94 and UNGE, UNPROFOR, Box 124, Akashi to Annan, Z-1106, 22/07/94.

[2] William C. Potter, Djuro Miljanic & Ivo Slaus, 'Tito's Nuclear Legacy', Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, Vol. 56 (2000) 2, pp. 63-75.

[3] Josef Bata, 'Serbiens geheime Auslandskontakte', Aussenpolitik, No. IV, 1993, pp. 378-381 and David Williams, 'How Russian Mafia helps fuel Serbs' campaign of slaughter', Daily Mail, 15/08/95.

[4] Glisic, Srpska Vojska, p. 27 and Igor Primoratz, Israel and the war in the Balkans, see: http://www.hr/darko/etf/isr2.html.


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