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This page originates from:

The articles collected by: Mr. Benjamin Crocker Works, Director
SIRIUS: The Strategic Issues Research Institute
www.siri-us.com
E-mail: BenWorks@aol.Com
The original page is at: Sirius Kosovo Archive ***
Bob Dole and Yugoslavia; "Concurrent Resolution 150" and Other Puzzle
Pieces
Special Report Feb. 28, 1999
Archive Updated, May 6, 1999
"Follow the money trail," they said during the Watergate Scandal. In June
1986, more than four years before the suspension of Kosovo's Albanian-Muslim
dominated autonomous government, Senator Robert ("Bob") Dole of Kansas was the
Republican Majority leader in the US Senate. On June 18th of that
year, he submitted the inflammatory Concurrent Resolution #150, the complete
text of which is reprinted below (Exhibit #1), along with Senator Dole's
introductory speech. Joseph DioGuardi, a conservative Republican of Albanian
ancestry from New York's metropolitan area, sponsored a companion Resolution in
the House of Representatives, ("concurrent" means a resolution is deliberately
submitted in both houses) to be found elsewhere in the same volume of the
Congressional Record for June 18, 1986. (A xerox copy on file.)
The Mafia has an old saying in America; "an honest politician is one who
stays bought." Bob Dole did not become a supporter of Albanian Rights and
independence overnight, but it is uncertain to me just when he began to support
the dismantling of Yugoslavia. His motives are suspect because at the time of
his resolution, the Kosovo autonomous government still operated --it was "closed
down" three years later, in 1989-- and it was Serbs and other non-Albanian
Muslims being forced out of their homes. Note that four years earlier, The
New York Times had reported a wide-spread persecution of Kosovo's Serbs by
the local Albanian majority, and that this was continuing at the time of Dole's
proposed concurrent resolution:
The New York Times , Monday, July 12, 1982
Exodus of Serbians Stirs Province in Yugoslavia
"Serbs .... have... been harassed by Albanians and have packed up and left
the region.
"The [Albanian] nationalists have a two-point platform, ...first to establish
what they call an ethnically clean Albanian republic and then the merger with
Albania to form a greater Albania. "
"Some 57,000 Serbs have left Kosovo in the last decade... The exodus of Serbs
is admittedly one of the main problems... in Kosovo..."
By 1989, when Mr. Milosevic consolidated his power in Serbia, another 170,000
Serbs had been chased out of their homes and out of the province by Albanian
Muslims --who are as xenophobic and chauvinistic as any people on the face of
the Earth. Other minority populations; Catholic Albanians, Turks, Gypsies,
Gorani, et al, were also suffering under increasing intimidation and
discrimination.
Note, too, that in November of 1986, about four months after he introduced
the resolution, the Republicans lost control of the Senate to the Democrats,
giving up several key seats, when Dole could not find a "message" to support
re-election of several of his colleagues. Even before, the Concurrent Resolution
"died" right away in committee, but its repercussions have been felt in
Yugoslavia ever since.
By 1986, Mr. Dole was already, I am told by sources on Capitol Hill, under
"the spell" of his assistant, Ms. Mira Baratta, reputedly granddaughter of a
Croat Ustashe (fascist) officer in World War II. Ms. Baratta, whom at least one
Hill staffer refers to as "the Croatian Mata Hari," was singled out by Senator
John Warner for praise in framing and helping in the passage of Senate bill
S-21, of July 26, 1995, which sought to lift the arms embargo on Bosnia's
Izetbegovic regime. Izetbegovic founded a fascist "Young Muslim" movement in
Bosnia in 1940 and was jailed by the Tito regime in 1946 for four years for
perpetrating hate crimes against Bosnia's Serbs. In 1949, his revived "Young
Muslims" staged a revolt and committed substantial anti-Serb violence, for which
he and three others narrowly escaped the death penalty.
It was this 1986 document and other actions in the US and elsewhere that
caused novelist Dobrica Cosic and others in the Serbian Academy of Sciences to
issue their "Memorandum" positing a concerted conspiracy to dismantle Yugoslavia
(discussed by Mischa Glenny in "The Fall of Yugoslavia" and other narrative
histories of the wars of Former-Yugoslavia). The Dole-DioGuardi resolutions
prove the Serb reaction was not mere paranoia. This Dole-sponsored resolution
also predates the rise of Slobodan Milosevic by more than a year, and pre-dates
the termination of autonomous government in Kosovo by about three years. In
effect, Mr. Dole's attempts to undermine Yugoslavia's multi-national --albeit
still Communist-- Constitutional polity, made the rise of Mr. Milosevic
possible, even a logical reaction to such devious pressures.
In the Fiscal Year 1990 Budget of the United States, which took effect Oct.
1, 1989, Senator Dole continued his personal campaign of sabotage against
Yugoslavia by denying that sovereign republic international funding. William
Dorich, an American journalist of Krajina-Serb ancestry, described that action
in a February 16, 1999 speech to the World Affairs Council of Orange County,
California:
"The Balkan quagmire began in 1990 in Foreign Appropriations Bill #101-513,
in which Senator Robert Dole slipped in 23 sentences that denied financial aid
to Yugoslavia when that nation was 31 billion dollars in debt. This bill was a
direct violation of the Helsinki Act, which forbids "any act of economic or
other coercion."
In fact, the mischief was well afoot by 1986 (see Exhibit #2, from Russ
Belant's book Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party, 1988,
which takes the money trail back to at least 1981). Mr. Dole's war against
Yugoslavia, fought in conjunction with the neo-fascists of Croatia, Bosnia and
Kosovo and their politically astute cousins here in America continues. He has
managed to bamboozle many others on both sides of the aisle in Congress, and in
both political parties in the United States and elsewhere. In this, Dole and the
governments of Croatia and Bosnia were assisted by the New York-Washington
public relations firm, Ruder-Finn, and a number of former Republican Senators
and Congressmen turned lobbyists, including Larry Pressler.
Mr. Dole aspired to succeed Ronald Reagan as President and the Croats and
Albanians funded him generously. Marko Lopusina, New York reporter for the
Yugoslav magazine Interview, described a May 1987 Dole-DioGuardi
Albanian-American fund-raiser in New York City that collected some $1.25
million: "In their speeches, Dole and Dioguardi acknowledged those present for
their contributions of $1.2 million for Dole and $50,000 for Dioguardi's
campaign." (Interview, Jan. 1, 1988, p. 47). It is safe to say, given the
overwhelming preponderance of evidence, that much of that money came from heroin
sales and other Albanian Mafia activities. Fortunately New Hampshire found Dole
badly wanting and found George Bush to be adequate to the task of
leadership.
But in 1991 when Croatia began its war against Yugoslavia and its campaign of
cleansing against the Krajina Serbs, the Bush Administration, guided by old
Yugoslav hands Lawrence Eagleburger and Brent Scowcroft, still discouraged
independence. Jim Baker made a forlorn last-minute trip to Belgrade to endorse
union in June 1991, just after Desert Storm. But Yugoslavia was not as high
priority as the collapsing Soviet Empire or Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. The fix
was already in. When the fighting began, the Bush Administration continued to
discourage it; that meant Bush had to go.
The Administration had plenty of other enemies: it was too tough on Israel
over self-rule for Palestine and other questions. It was not tough enough on
China and would do nothing for exiled President Aristide of Haiti. Bill Clinton,
afloat on a sea of Chinese, AIPAC and, presumably, Balkan money, won the Oval
Office. Croatians poured $50 million into campaign chests of their friends, as
documented below (Exhibit #3). Albanian Mafiosi, meanwhile, were dealing heroin
from communities in New York's Brooklyn and Bronx boroughs, from Boston, Detroit
and Chicago. From 1991 Albanian Mafia "crews" were also robbing supermarkets,
ATMs and check cashing services in New York and other cities around the nation
to raise campaign money and to buy arms for what became the Kosovo Liberation
Army (see Exhibit #4 below).
The linkages between the Kosovo Heroin Mafia (see SIRIUS Archive KLA-Drugs)
and these fundraisers is not perfect, contributions of cash leave no audit trail
and checks launder through small businesses. But evidence is out there that
improves the linkages and our major city police departments know what is going
on. William Dorich, who is also a correspondent for The American
Srbobran, a Pittsburgh-based newspaper, reports:
"Caught in a 1991 bank robbery in Pasadena, California, two Albanian
criminals confessed that they were robbing banks in California `to raise money
for the Albanian lobby in the United States.'"
Mrs. Dole, by the way, as President of the American Red Cross, appears to
have done more than her share of mischief in seeking to prevent the free flow of
medical supplies to the general population of Yugoslavia, or to the Serb
population in Bosnia, while supplies flood into Kosovo for Albanian relief. In
light of this, the text of the Concurrent Resolution is to me an appalling
misrepresentation of events in Kosovo in the mid-1980s, but I ask the reader to
judge that for yourself.
Intereference by Mr. Dole continued in the wake of the Rambouillet talks
between Serbia and the Kosovo Muslim Albanians. On Monday evening, Feb. 22, he
and Mme. Albright both called Adem Demaci to discuss the failure to secure an
Albanian independence referendum in the agreement (Exhibits #5-6 below).
A mere two blocks from St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Cathedral in Manhattan,
there is a statue of Roscoe Conkling at the southwest corner of Madison Square
Park. Conkling said something interesting in defense of his president, Ulysses
Grant, whose administration was plagued by scandals involving subordinates,
though the President, himself, was honest:
"He [President Grant] will hew to the line of right, let the
chips fall where they may."
- NY Senator Roscoe Conkling; Speech, June 5, 1880
Let the chips fall where they may. It is time for honest Republicans to start
reining in this fiscally-driven embrace of Fascists and their neo-Fascist
offspring. The Democrats, too, have ample reason to poke around in their
finances, nowadays. We can start by wondering about Eliot Engel of the Bronx,
and Charles Schumer.
When not conspiring against the remains of Yugoslavia and against the Serbs,
Mr. Dole has chosen to market Viagra in a pseudo-public service advertising
campaign speaking of his prostate surgery and "erectile dysfunction --`ED'." Mr.
Clinton's phallocentrism, established by our Miss Lewinsky, is matched by Mr.
Dole's (Exhibit #7 below, by Arianna Huffington).
Mr. Dole incessantly "waves the bloody shirt" with the wound he received
under honorable conditions during his brief combat service with the
10th Mountain Division in northern Italy. But, since at least the
mid-1980s (and likely back to his 1976 Presidential campaign), Mr. Dole has been
in league with the fascist enemies of the US and their children in abetting the
erection of a neo-fascist state in Croatia and a state headed by an identified
Nazi youth leader, Alija Izetbegovic, in Bosnia. Dole has also attempted to
steal Kosovo for the heirs of the Albanians who served in the SS Skanderbeg
Mountain Division. In this scheming, Mr. Dole has betrayed his own military
service and broken faith with all American and Allied veterans of World War II.
It was not for this easy campaign money and twisted policy that my father and
uncles fought the Germans and Japanese.
Benjamin Works
Exhibits:
- June 18, 1986; R. Dole, Senate Concurrent Resolution #150 and speech
- Russ Belant; 1989; Book: Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican
Party
- Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy
, Mar 31, 1993,
"Croatian Funds to US Politicians.
- A Dole aide & Johnny Chung on fundraising candidates
- Robert Novak, Column April 15, 1995; Dole, New Hamp. & Albanian
Campaign Contributions
- NY Daily News, Jan. 1996; Dole's Got Baggage
- Excerpt on Albanian Mafia activity in US from the Journal;
Transnational Organized Crime; Spring, 1996: Gus Xhudo; "Men of
Purpose:"
- Reuters, Feb. 24, 1999; ANALYSIS-Kosovo leader Demaci maintains
hard line
- New York Times, Feb. 25, 1999, Jane Perlez; No Winners at Kosovo Peace
Talks, and Albright Seems to Lose Prestige
- Arianna Huffington, syndicated column, Feb. 22, 1999; "Bob Dole's
Erectoral Politics"
- Reuters, Mar. 1, 1999; U.S. asks Dole, Soros to help on Kosovo - report
- IBD, March 4, 1999; The GOP's Tangled Foreign Policy
- March 4, 1999; Dole Statement on Kosovo Mission
- The Illyrian, March 4, 1999; Albanian View of Dole Mission/Message
- Joseph DioGuardi, May 6, 1998; Congresional Committee Testimony on Kosovo,
- FEC: Albanian-American PAC, Candidate Contributions, 1997-98
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE; June 18, 1986
Page 14439 (Vol. 132 Part 10, June 11-19, 1986)
SENATE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 150 - EXPRESSING CONCERN OVER THE CONDITION OF
ETHNIC ALBANIANS LIVING IN YUGOSLAVIA
Mr. DOLE submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to
the Committee on Foreign Relations:
S. Con. Res. 150
Whereas there are more than two million ethnic Albanians living within the
borders of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;
Whereas the ethnic Albanians constitute one of the largest ethnic groups
within Yugoslavia;
Whereas there are reports that several hundred ethnic Albanians have been
killed in communal violence and the Government's efforts to control it
Whereas there is evidence that several thousand more have been arrested by
the Yugoslavian Government for expressing their views in a non-violent
manner;
Whereas most political prisoners within Yugoslavia are ethnic Albanians;
Whereas many of those arrested have been sentenced to harsh terms of
imprisonment ranging from one to fifteen years;
Whereas many ethnic Albanians have been denied access to full economic
opportunity because of alleged "Albanian nationalist" activities;
Whereas Amnesty International, a respected international human rights
organization, has published allegations of torture and assassination of ethnic
Albanians in exile by the Yugoslav secret police;
Whereas the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a signatory to the
Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE, now
OSCE], known as the Helsinki Final Act;
Whereas one of the provisions of the Act states that "the participating
States on whose territory national minorities exist will respect the rights of
persons belonging to such minorities to equality before the law, will afford
them full opportunity for the actual enjoyment of human rights and fundamental
freedoms and will, in this manner, protect the legitimate interests in this
sphere;"
Whereas the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has
failed to protect fully the rights of ethnic Albanians, in accordance with its
obligation under the Act;
Resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives Concurring, That
Congress:
- is deeply concerned over the political and economic conditions of ethnic
Albanians in Yugoslavia and over the failure of the Yugoslav Government to
fully protect their political and economic rights;
- urges the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to
act so as to ensure that human rights and fundamental freedoms as expressed
in the Helsinki Final Act and the Concluding Document of the Madrid CSCE
Follow-Up Meeting are respected in regard to persons from all national and
ethnic groups in Yugoslavia;
- calls upon the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia to review in a humanitarian spirit the cases of all ethnic
Albanians currently imprisoned on political charges and to release all of
those who have not used or advocated violence;
- requests the President of the United States to direct the Department of
State to convey the contents of this Resolution to the appropriate
representatives of the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I rise today to submit a concurrent resolution
expressing the concern of the Congress about the conditions of ethnic Albanians
in Yugoslavia. Congressman DIO GUARDI of New York has introduced a similar
resolution in the House, and I am pleased to be working with him to focus
attention on this important matter.
Mr. President, there are approximately two million ethnic Albanians living in
Yugoslavia, making them the third largest ethnic group in that country. They
have extensive ties of ancestry and common culture with the growing
ethnic-Albanian community in the United States.
Regrettably, the Yugoslav Government has not granted to the Albanian
community the full protection of their political and economic rights. While many
ethnic groups in Yugoslavia have suffered at the hands of the government, the
Albanian community has been singled out for particularly harsh treatment.
Under the guise of responding to the greatly exaggerated threat that ethnic
Albanians might try to assert political independence from Yugoslavia, the
government in Belgrade has arrested thousands of Albanians, hundreds this year
alone, often for doing no more than peacefully expressing their commitment to
the preservation of Albanian culture. In fact, the Helsinki Commission and other
knowledgeable, independent observers have reported that more than one-half of
all political prisoners in Yugoslavia are Albanian.
And when arrested these ethnic Albanians face the harshest kind of penalties.
Prison sentences of from 1 to 15 years are common for offenses that may be no
more than holding up a placard at a public gathering pledging to uphold elements
of Albanian culture.
Many Albanians have also been fired, or denied access to particular jobs,
because in some way they have expressed their Albanian heritage or manifest some
element of Albanian culture. A number of university professors, for example,
have been fired solely for teaching courses on Albanian history or culture.
Finally, and most disturbing of all, hundreds of ethnic Albanians have died
in recent years as a result of communal strife and the government's often
violent efforts to put down communal unrest. These dead have become martyrs
within the ethnic Albanian community. Even admitting that the government's
actions in all cases were not unprovoked, the strong evidence is that the
government has vastly overreacted, as part of a conscious campaign to stamp out
even any sign of Albanian ethnocentrism or any inclination for ethnic Albanians
to develop a stronger political self-identification.
Mr. President, as I noted, the Albanian populations [sic!] is not the only
group that suffers. But it appears that it may well be the group that suffers
the most.
For that reason, I believe we have a responsibility to express our deep
concern about the plight of these suffering people, in the hope that the
influence we can bring to bear will encourage the Yugoslav Government to meet
its solemn commitments under the Helsinki Accords to grant ethnic Albanians
--and all other ethnic groups in Yugoslavia-- their full rights and
freedoms.
Mr. President, I send the concurrent resolution to the desk and ask for its
appropriate referral.
2. In his book, Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party,
Russ Bellant writes:
"When reading this study, some may be inclined to see it as a partisan attack
on the Republican Party, but it was not conceived or researched from a partisan
standpoint. Nor was it done with the knowledge of, or in concert with, any
element of the Democratic party or any other political organization. Certain
Democrats are included where warranted, but of the two parties, the fascist
network has chosen the GOP as its home,"
"The Croatian Republicans are the only federation who have put their
sympathies with the Axis powers into print in Republican Party literature. In
Guide to Nationality Observances, a 1984 Republican Heritage Groups
Council booklet, listing commemorative dates of significant to ethnic Croatia
has declared by unanimous proclamation in 1941 ... Lack of Western support and
Axis occupation forced the new state into an unfortunate associate with the Axis
powers.' The booklet preface is signed by Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr. , Chairman of
the Republican National Committee."
Russ Belant, Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party,
(Boston: South End Press, Boston, MA; 1988, 1989 and 1991 - ISBN 0-89608-419-1 -
ISBN 0-89608-418-3 pbk)
3. From Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, Mar
31, 1993, p. 3
Croatian Funds to US Politicians
The United States Congress, still reeling from a series of financial scandals
involving representatives and senators, is now bracing for a new problem: the
massive financial "contributions" which have been made to election funds of
politicians by Croatian sources over the past two to three years. One
Congressional investigator told Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy
that the donations and expenditures on Washington lobbying by the Croatians over
the past two years "could well exceed $50-million." Much of this came directly
from Croatian lobbyists, and some from Croatian American businessmen.
Croatia has built up the most effective lobbying and public relations network
on Capitol Hill since the days when the Israel and Greek lobbies were at their
peak. "Many of the campaign contributions have been recorded legally," the
investigator said, "but many are questionable. But what is more important is
that there has been a pervasive attempt to push the United States along a line
defined by foreign powers÷Croatia and Germany÷and it has not been subtle.
Elected officials are being told to either support the Croatian line or face
either a removal of funding or are told that funding will be given to their
opponents. Or they are literally bribed into supporting the Croatian line. This
was going on long before Croatia even made its open bid for recognition as an
independent state." Much of the investigation focuses around conservative
Republican elected officials.
4. From Stanley Hilton, Senator for Sale: An Unauthorized Biography of
Senator Bob Dole.
A former aide to Sen. Bob Dole (R-KS) announced,
"After many years of following the senator's career, I have come to believe
that he lacks any real commitment to the conservative agenda of his own party or
to any other agenda, and that he is largely a special interest slot machine, a
human pendulum dancing to the tune of his highest contributors."
Compare that to Johnny Chung about the Clinton White House:
"The White House is like a subway --you have to put in coins to open the
gates."
- John Chung; interview in Los Angeles Times, July 27, 1997
5. Robert Novak, column in The San Diego Union-Tribune,
Saturday, April 15, 1995:
"Sen. Dole's political handlers, while ecstatic over his official campaign
opening, are concerned that his schedule is too full for a 71 year-old man. Dole
looked frazzled coming into New Hampshire after his Kansas announcement. His own
aides concede that his worst performances have come when he is tired...
A footnote: Dole collected over $100,000 in New York City April 10 from a
seldom-tapped source: Albanian-Americans, troubled by persecution of ethnic
countrymen in the Balkans. Dole can thank former Rep. Joseph DioGuardi of New
York, who formed the Albanian-American Civic League after leaving Congress. Dole
won that group's applause for his 1990 visit to Kosovo, an Albanian enclave in
the former Yugoslavia, and for trying to end the Bosnian arms embargo."
6. DOLE'S GOT BAGGAGE
By KAREN BALL Daily News Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON Bob Dole has financial skeletons rattling in his closet that
threaten his ability to attack President Clinton's character.
Haunting Dole and his wife, Elizabeth, are numerous matters:
His former financial adviser Dave Owen went to jail.
A tax loophole Dole pushed brought the couple monetary gain.
He got a government set-aside for a friend, who later gave Elizabeth Dole a
profit on real estate.
Dole got a sweetheart deal on a Florida co-op, compliments of an agribusiness
giant he has helped with legislation.
"The appearance, the impropriety, is a tremendous issue," conceded former
Kansas Gov. Mike Hayden, a Dole protege and now a lobbyist backing the Senate
majority leader's presidential bid.
"What I know of it, there is no smoking gun. . . . [But] sometimes we are
found guilty by association in public life," said Hayden, who himself was caught
up in a fund-raising scandal linked to Owen. "I'm hesitant to say it won't be a
liability."
One Dole adviser, who thinks the issue will limit the senator's ability to
attack Clinton for Whitewater and cronyism said, "Sure, we know it's all going
to be gone over with a fine-toothed flashlight."
Clinton campaign strategist James Carville fired a shot across the bow last
week on NBC's "Meet the Press," saying in response to GOP Whitewater criticism
that Dole's former financial adviser "just got out of jail."
Steve Forbes, who's running second behind Dole in key primary battlegrounds,
sounded a warning, too, quipping that when Dole released his tax returns, "all
[they] showed is that Bob Dole became a millionaire after 35 years in
Washington."
The Doles insist they're clean and any questionable financial dealings in
their past were handled by Owen secretly and without authorization when he ran
Elizabeth Dole's blind trust.
Owen, who had been a long-time Dole friend, went to jail for seven months on
unrelated tax fraud charges the result, he says, of a "scapegoat" probe Dole
inspired after the senator's finances were first questioned by the Bush campaign
in 1988.
Owen declined to be interviewed, but his actions on the Doles' behalf are
documented. Critics find it unbelievable that Dole obsessed with details was not
aware of Owen's actions. And regardless, there's a look of impropriety that
someone serving as a financial adviser to an influential senator was lobbying
the senator at the same time.
Owen has insinuated that Dole while not knowing of specific transactions had
a sense of what Owen was doing. When Owen lobbied Dole for a tax loophole in
1986 and took the senator to the Topeka, Kan., insurance company that would
benefit "Everyone understood what was going on," Owen told The New Yorker
magazine.
Owen then turned around and bought the Doles several thousand shares of stock
in that company, netting them a substantial profit, though the exact amount is
unknown.
One Dole supporter, Lyn Nofziger, brushed off what he considered the coming
Democratic assault. "Carville is just looking for an issue some morality stuff
to neutralize Clinton's morality stuff," said Nofziger, a former aide to
President Ronald Reagan. "There is a little stuff there for Dole, but I don't
think there's anything dishonest."
Instead, Nofziger argues, these are perks politicians enjoy. "That's one of
the things about being a senator or governor people come around and offer you
deals that are not illegal, but better than what the average person might get,"
Nofziger said. "He's an honest, honorable man. But he's also a politician."
Dole friend David Keene said Democrats have also signaled they'd try to bring
up divorce anything to muddy Dole. "That's the final refuge of a cornered rat,"
said Keene. He and other friends argue the financial accusations are crazy
because the Doles have never been about money. They still live in the Watergate
apartment Dole bought after he divorced his first wife.
The Dole campaign says all of it is old news and they're not worried, because
they will try to make Campaign '96 about Clinton's record in office, not
Whitewater. "We've been upfront and proactive," said Dole spokesman Nelson
Warfield, adding that the information on Whitewater has been "drip, drip, drip."
"Anybody who tries to bring this up, they're going to find zero room to move
because there's nothing there," Warfield said.
LOAD-DATE: January 29, 1996
7. Excerpt: TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZED CRIME A Frank Cass
Journal
Published by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd. (London) and The Ridgway Center for
International Security Studies University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, USA (www.pitt.edu/~rcss/ridgway.html)
Volume 2, Spring 1996, Number 1, pp. 1-20
Excerpt: MEN OF PURPOSE: THE GROWTH OF ALBANIAN CRIMINAL ACTIVITY
by GUS XHUDO
[·on the rise of the Kosovo Mafia]
A second factor was, Albanians, particularly Kosovars, began to develop the
sense of collective identity required for these groups to mobilise their
activities. This occurred at roughly the same time the Pizza Connection case was
being uncovered. In the former Yugoslav province of Kosovo, the predominant
ethnic Albanian population witnessed, firsthand the rise of Serbian strongman,
Slobodan Milosevic.6 Beginning in 1987, Milosevic used a virulent anti-Albanian
campaign to repress the ethnic Albanian population in an effort to gain Serb
support for his rise to the top of Serbia's political scene. By 1989, he had
succeeded in removing the ethnic Albanian politicians from the Kosovo Parliament
and replacing them with men loyal to him. By the end of that year, Kosovo's
`autonomous province' status had been removed. In effect Kosovo was placed under
martial law and ruled from Belgrade. Realising that Albanians would respond with
violence, Milosevic increased the number of police precincts in Kosovo by
sixty-three percent and police units by fifty-eight percent.7 Despite these
measures, Kosovars took advantage of the situation by expanding the operations
of an already existing black market. The repression continued, with arbitrary
arrests, CSCE monitored expulsions by Serb authorities, and the firing and
dismissal of thousands of ethnic Albanian policemen, teachers, engineers and
assorted labourers, along with incidents of reported torture and beatings,
events which only served to radicalise the Kosovars.8 While many mobilised and
threw their support behind Ibrahim Rugova and his moderate Democratic League of
Kosova [LDK], a radical right organised into a more extremist group. Levizje
Komb_tar p_r _lirimin _ Kosov_s [The National Liberation Movement for Kosova,
LKCK]. The LKCK has repeatedly called for armed uprising against Serb
authorities. An extremely clandestine organisation, it is believed that the
group uses illicit activity, especially drug trafficking, to fund its
nationalist agenda and coordinates its actions with the increasing number of
Kosovar emigres located in Switzerland, Paris, Brussels, Frankfurt and
Stockholm.9 As the Serb crackdown of Kosovo continued, the black market and
organised criminal activity flourished. The relaxation of border controls by
Albania during the 1990-1991 period resulted in many of these criminal elements
crossing the border and taking their scams and activities with them. As Albania
continued to democratize, many stayed on and, eventually, under the guise of
political refugees, were permitted to obtain travel visas which they made use
of, travelling to capitals in Western Europe. Recognising the opportunity before
them, these Kosovars coordinated their actions with emigres, the latter
providing them with working capital, that they used to buy the hundreds of
state-run businesses being sold cheap. It is several of these purchases that are
now being used by organised crime as front companies for storage of merchandise,
and as money laundering facilities.10 Taking advantage of the Albanian citizenry
with phoney land deals and other scams, coupled with the endless opportunities
created by the demise of communism, Kosovars were able to rake in hard currency
by the millions in Albania. With a strong emigre support structure throughout
Western Europe, money and deals were transacted with increasing frequency.
[·]
[In] The United States
Of particular concern to law enforcement personnel, however, has been the
level of organised Albanian activity within the US. By the early to mid-1980s,
Albanians in area cities and suburbs outside Detroit and New York were already
involved in crimes ranging from robbery to extortion.63 Indeed, by 1985,
Albanians were already gaining notoriety for their drug trafficking. This
activity became predominant among the so-called Balkan Route which begins in
Central Asia, through Istanbul to Belgrade and, with Sicilian and French
connections, makes its way to the US. American Drug Enforcement Administration
officials estimated that between 25 percent and 40 percent of the US heroin
supply by 1985 was taking this route, with Albanian assistance.64
Ten years later, more organised, disciplined and out on their own, Albanian
crime gangs have increased the scope of both their activities and geographic
locations within the United States. By January 1995, authorities estimated that
approximately 10 million US dollars in cash and merchandise had been stolen from
some 300 supermarkets, ATM machines, jewelry stores and restaurants.65 By the
early 1990s, groups based in the New York area, particularly the Bronx, were
committing robberies with such frequency and success that local law enforcement
officials realized federal assistance would be required. The FBI, however, was
equally at a loss as to the nature, extent, and structure of these groups. After
examination of several criminal incidents, some conclusions were made. First, it
appeared that many of the thefts which occurred were carried out, in an attempt
to fund either the war effort in the former Yugoslavia, or to assist fellow
Albanians in Macedonia and Kosovo.66 Concern among those area authorities, as
previously stated, was that this source of funding was aiding those more right
wing elements that are stockpiling weapons awaiting the right time for future
insurrection. Second, it appeared that the Albanians operating within the US had
a series of crews separated into premier and second class units depending upon
the difficulty of the job.
For example, the A-team would use oxygen tanks, and electro-magnetic core
drill, rotary hammers and over one hundred metal drill rods capable of reaching
temperatures between 9,000 and 10,000 degrees FÏ. With skill and precision, they
could use the torches without damaging either money and/or jewels within the
safe. The A-team also has an intricate network of lookouts equipped with
walkie-talkies, sophisticated police scanners, and often disables alarms and
area communications boxes before an operation.67 The B-team is not as
sophisticated. Consisting of between four and six men, the team often carries
cutters and twenty pound sledgehammers with large steel wedges, and crowbars,
used for prying open safes and ATM machine doors while one or two men stand
lookout along with a driver.68 While lacking in sophistication the B-team makes
up for it in brutality and cunning. These men are often Albanians from Albania,
Kosovo, or Macedonia looking for quick money and with little skill. Used to
severe treatment, by Serb authorities or simply a hard life in their homeland,
even caught, they often will gladly accept prison terms complete with a bed and
three square meals a day as preferable to what they once had in their native
countries.
While authorities are not certain as to who may control large sections of
organised Albanian gangs, some speculation, based upon recent arrests, has led
law enforcement to believe that transnational links are eminent. One such
`godfather' of the Albanian mafia is reputed drug trafficker Daut Kadriovski.
Based in Turkey, Kadriovski reportedly has extensive links with his lieutenants
in Europe and the US. Although Australian Federal Police were after Kadriovski
after he went to their embassy in Athens for a new passport after allegedly
creating a drug distribution centre among the Albanian and Croatian emigre
communities in Sydney and Brisbane. He evaded authorities and was seen in
Germany under one of his many aliases. Within the US, his contacts include
Albanians living in the Bronx and across New Jersey. Authorities also believe
that Kadriovski may have links with the Grey Wolves, a fascist Pan-Islamic
organization opposed to the current Turlish regime, with cells in Germany and
Western Turkey.69
Despite efforts by law enforcement to curb Albanian activities, men such as
Kadriovski continue to evade police. Using his lieutenants in the US, thefts and
the like have increased, after a lag period during late 1995 and early 1996.
Branching out from major cities, the Albanians from the Bronx, area have been
accused of robberies from south Jersey, to Washington DC, to Philadelphia,
Virginia, South Carolina, Detroit, and Chicago.70 By the beginning of 1996,
authorities in New York had hoped that Albanian activity would decrease
following the arrest of two of its regional leaders, Mirsad Pjitrovi_ and
Vucksan `Ranko' Mickovi.71 Instead, coordinating their plans from such social
hangouts as the Besa, Two Star and Gurra cafes in the Bronx, the Albanians
actually increased their regional activities. This lending credence to the
theory about a decentralized structure among these groups so that activity can
continue regardless of leadership removal.72 Despite attempts to control their
activities, police remain at a loss while the Albanians gain strength.
Notes:
6. Although numbers vary, it is believed that ethnic Albanians make-up 90% of
the population of Kosovo, Serbs comprise the remaining 10%. The last accurate
census taken was the 1981 census. Based upon those figures, it is assumed
approximately two million Albanians live in Kosovo. Patrick Moore, `The Albanian
Question in the Former Yugoslavia' RFE/RL [3 April, 1992], pp.7-15.
7. Ibid, p.10., and Branka Magas, `The Destruction of Yugoslavia: Tracking
the Breakup 1980-1992' [London: Verso Press, 1993], pp.160-161.
8. The Economist [1 July, 1989], p.47., Magas, op.cit: p.160., Liam McDowall,
`Confused Signals in Kosovo', New Statesman and Society [5 March, 1993],
p.13.
9. Illyria vol. 3 #182 [3 April, 1993], p.3.
10. Discussion with owner of manufacturing plant outside Tirana who was
approached by certain people, as he describes them, who wished to rent space in
his plant to store material. After first agreeing to do so, he was subsequently
approached by Albanian local authorities who suggested he turn down the deal.
[November, 1995]
[·]
63. Anthony M. DeStefano, `The Balkan Connection', The Wall Street Journal (9
September, 1985)
64. Ibid.
65. Amy Beth Terdiman, `$120,000 Burgalries Linked', The Record (9 January,
1995)
66. Jose Lambiet, `Balkan Ring Looting US', The New York Daily News (19 May,
1993)
67. Anne Keegan, `The Yugo Gang', The Chicago Tribune (3 November, 1993)
68. Karl Alizade, Head of City Safe Engineering Corporation, Jersey City New
Jersey; Talk given at the Mid-Atlantic Great Lakes Organized Crime and Law
Enforcement Network Conference. (Philadelphia: 24 April, 1996)
69. Discussion with New Jersey State Law enforcement investigator, (May,
1996)
70. Marc Carey, `Police Fearful Gangs will keep robbing Stores', The
Washington Post (4 January, 1995) and, Kristi Nelson, `Immigrant Band Suspected
in Break-ins', The Philadelphia Inquirer (23 March, 1995) and, William Ehart,
`Burglars Loot Cape ATMs', The Atlantic City Press (26 May, 1995)
71. William Sherman and Daniel Goldfarb, `Albanian Gangs Breaking into the
Big Leagues', The New York Post (11 January, 1996)
72. Point made by author at the National Law Enforcement and Intelligence
Unit Conference, Guest Speaker (Ft. Lauderdale: 15 May, 1996)
8. The Dole-Demaci Conversation of Feb. 22, 1999
Reuters, Feb. 24, 1999; ANALYSIS-Kosovo leader Demaci maintains hard
line
By Kurt Schork
PRISTINA, Serbia, Feb 24 (Reuters) - Inconclusive Kosovo peace talks have
ended after 17 days as they began -- with ethnic Albanian resistance icon Adem
Demaci, who refused to attend, staking out a hard and apparently controlling
line.
``In the end we should not rely on their (the international community and
NATO) promises and threats,'' Demaci told the Albanian language daily Kosovo Sot
in an interview published on Wednesday.
``We should rely on our forces and have confidence in our liberation army and
in victory. We can achieve this only by joining forces with our army and not by
waiting for someone to grant us our freedom.''
Western mediators breathed a sigh of relief when Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
guerrillas agreed to attend the peace talks at Rambouillet, near Paris, without
Demaci.
The 63-year-old former political prisoner, a survivor of nearly 28 years
behind bars in various Yugoslav jails, had denounced the talks and advised the
rebels to boycott.
Viewed by the West as the ultimate hardliner, a man whose attitudes were
toughened beyond compromise by years of incarceration, Demaci had been the KLA
political representative until turning his back on the talks.
That opened the field to Hasim Thaqi, the 29-year old head of the KLA's
political directorate, who emerged as de facto leader of the ethnic Albanian
delegation at Rambouillet.
Mediators, including U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, had hoped to
persuade Thaqi to sign up to an autonomy deal for Kosovo that would have
entailed the KLA disarming and disbanding under NATO ground troop supervision.
But Thaqi held firm and on Monday evening, as it seemed the talks would end
in disarray, Albright rang Demaci and asked him to intervene.
``She tried to convince me to discuss the draft document being discussed in
Rambouillet,'' Demaci said in his interview.
``She insisted that I agree and recommend to Mr Thaqi that he accept four
points of a draft (agreement) that I hadn't seen. I didn't agree to such a
document because the Kosovo issue is not that simple that it can be solved
quickly. It is a 100-year old problem, bloody and serious.''
U.S. State Department spokesman James Rubin said on Tuesday that Washington
continued to see Demaci as a major obstacle to the peace process in Kosovo,
where some 2,000 people have been killed in the past year's fighting between
Serb security forces and independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Demaci said former U.S. Senator Robert Dole, who has visited Kosovo several
times in the past year and who lobbied the Clinton administration to take
decisive action, then called him and repeated Albright's request.
``I told him that such a delicate problem cannot be solved over the
telephone.''
When the dust settled on Tuesday afternoon in Rambouillet the ethnic Albanian
delegation had given its conditional approval to the proposed autonomy plan,
contingent upon a two- week review with KLA guerrillas and ethnic Albanian
civilians. [·]
9. The New York Times, Feb. 25, 1999
No Winners at Kosovo Peace Talks, and Albright Seems to Lose Prestige
By JANE PERLEZ
But it is by no means clear that all guerrilla commanders would go along.
Another obstacle to a guaranteed yes is Adem Demaci, 63, self-styled political
spokesman for the Kosovo Liberation Army, who refused to attend the Rambouillet
talks. He has strongly criticized the agreement and on Wednesday night said the
announced new provisional agreement has no legitimacy.
Demaci was a political prisoner for 28 years in Yugoslavia. He is a diehard
supporter of Kosovo's independence but strongly opposed to any deal with the
Serbs. On Monday night, when the talks were at their nadir, he received phone
calls from Albright and Former Sen. Bob Dole.
Both asked him to support the agreement. According to an interview with
Demaci published on Wednesday in a Kosovo Albanian newspaper, he told them that
the problems of Kosovo could not be solved in a phone conversation.
NOTE: Dole visited Albanian leaders in Pristina on March 4, 1999 as part of
the US effort to sell the Rambouillet agreement.
10. Bob Dole's Erectoral Politics
By Arianna Huffington; Filed February 22, 1999
``It may take a little courage,'' says Bob Dole in his commercial for Pfizer,
the makers of Viagra. Not courage on the battlefield or the courage to make the
tough political decisions but rather the courage to acknowledge -- ahem --
erectile dysfunction.
The fact that sexual dysfunction at the ripe old age of 75 is now newsworthy
reveals a lot about the state of our politics and culture. Let's start with our
culture.
Dole's 60-second ad is a paean to our ludicrous assumption that old age can
be eradicated with hair dye, plastic surgery and pills. And Dole has made use of
all three, achieving a historic Grecian Formula hat trick.
In Greece, where I hail from, the highest term of respect, normally reserved
for the abbots of monasteries, is ``geronda'' -- old man. This identification of
old age with wisdom is the exact opposite of our culture's treatment of old age
as the ultimate liability, to be postponed by any means necessary. Dole lists
`depression, heavy smoking, heavy drinking, diabetes and hypertension'' as
causes of erectile dysfunction, but fails to mention the most likely cause of
all: old age. After all, hormones are not supposed to be raging at the same rate
at age 75 as they were at age 45, 55 or 65. That's how God and nature intended
it, leaving some time before death for less earthbound preoccupations.
But we have completely lost a sense of the stages of life, of the natural
progression from the ``me-me-me'' obsession of the 5-year-old to the recognition
of the 75-year-old that there are larger concerns beyond one's libido. Is it too
much to ask or a little less narcissism from men and women who have hit three
score and 15?
A study on sexual dysfunction in the Journal of the American Medical
Association earlier this month that surveyed men and women from 18 to 59 -- not
even considering men in Dole's age group -- reached the unsurprising conclusion
that men 50 to 59 were more than three times as likely to experience erection
problems than men 18 to 29. Another interesting side note about the intersection
of politics, academia and money is that two of the three authors of this study
are paid consultants for Pfizer.
Dole, too, is a hired hand for Pfizer, which is paying him an undisclosed sum
to gin up interest in a problem for which it alone has the miracle cure. It's
not a bad strategy for a company that saw demand for Viagra fall from 1 million
prescriptions last May to 346,000 last October. After 130 men died from
Viagra-induced side effects and about half of its users discovered that the drug
did not work for them as advertised, it was inevitable that demand would go
flaccid. Not to worry. Pfizer had an underemployed former Presidential candidate
up its sleeve.
To further imply an endorsement from the corridors of power, the ad was
filmed in a plush office and before imposing white columns. The Dole/Pfizer ad
tells us a lot, in fact, about the state of our politics. During the
presidential race, Dole's campaign portrayed him as a man of honor, integrity
and, above all, public service. ``I will seek the presidency,'' he said on the
day he resigned his Senate seat, "with nowhere to go but the White House or
home.'' It turns out that by home, Bob meant a sort of Home Shopping Network --
a lucrative world of lobbying and product endorsements. So the man who got as
close as only a handful get to leading the Free World chose, over all other
burning issues, to lend his authority to the cause of erectile dysfunction.
And the same chicanery and obfuscation that the current White House occupant
has raised to an art form is apparent in practically every statement that Dole
has made about his Pfizer ad. He continues to position it as a public service
announcement, dismissing concerns over Pfizer's logo appearing on the ad with
the improbable excuse that not ``many men know that Pfizer makes Viagra.''
He even compared his campaign to Betty Ford's fight for breast cancer
awareness. As far as I know, no drug company ever paid Betty Ford. Pfizer's
chairman, by contrast, is not only paying Dole but pompously praising him for
making ``men's health issues a priority for 1999'' and ``advocating for
Americans with disabilities.'' (So is that why all those handicapped spots are
always taken?)
Dole's protestations have a familiar ring in this era of politicians who feel
compelled to deny any link between the massive soft money donations they take
and the public decisions they make. If Dole wants to restore credibility to his
effort, he should give his Pfizer fee to charity and begin emphasizing -- if his
big tobacco buddies will let him -- that teens who smoke on a regular basis can
begin to experience erectile dysfunction before they hit 40.
Finally, if Bob Dole wants a role model for what to do after losing a
presidential election, he may look to Jimmy Carter, whose only worry is erecting
houses for the poor.
ARIANNA ONLINE
1158 26th Street, Suite #428
Santa Monica, CA 90403
email: info@ariannaonline.com
Copyright (c) 1998 Christabella, Inc.
Developed and hosted by BOLD NEW WORLD
11. U.S. asks Dole, Soros to help on Kosovo - report
NEW YORK, Feb 28 (Reuters) - U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has
asked former Sen. Bob Dole and financier George Soros to help persuade hardline
ethnic Albanian leaders in Kosovo to accept a NATO-backed peace plan, Newsweek
magazine said on Sunday.
An article in the Newsweek issue to be published on Monday said Albright was
rudely rebuffed last week when she phoned a Kosovar leader from the chateau near
Paris where peace talks were held on the restive Serbian province.
It said Adem Demaci, the political power behind the Kosovo Liberation Army,
refused Albright's request not to block a plan to give limited autonomy, rather
than independence, to the province. Although Kosovo is part of Serbia, most of
its inhabitants are ethnic Albanians.
Demaci, who had boycotted the Rambouillet talks, curtly told Albright a phone
call could not solve such a ``bloody and serious'' problem as Kosovo and hung up
on her, Newsweek reported.
At Albright's request, Dole, the 1996 Republican presidential nominee, called
Demaci, with as little success. Dole will soon travel to Kosovo to try to win
over Demaci and other hardliners, Newsweek said.
Soros, who helps finance Kosovar news media, has also been asked to try to
budge leaders in the province, Newsweek said.
Albright told friends the Rambouillet negotiations were the worst experience
she had ever been through, according to the magazine. ``She is so stung by what
happened. She's angry at everyone -- the Serbs, the Albanians and NATO,'' a
close associate was quoted as saying.
Washington had hoped that if the Kosovars accepted limited autonomy, Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic could be forced to let NATO troops enter the
province to guarantee the agreement.
The Rambouillet talks recessed after 17 days and were scheduled to resume on
March 15.
18:48 02-28-99
12. Investor's Business Daily
March 4, 1999
SECTION: National Issue; Pg. A1
THE GOP'S TANGLED FOREIGN POLICY
By Brian Mitchell, Investor's Business Daily
They were filed just hours apart: Senate Joint Resolution 11, prohibiting
airstrikes against Yugoslavia, and Senate Joint Resolution 12, authorizing
airstrikes against the same.
Partisan politics?
Hardly. Both were sponsored by Republicans. Sen. Arlen Specter of
Pennsylvania backs airstrikes. Sen. Bob Smith of New Hampshire opposes them.
President Clinton's threatened war over Kosovo has left Republicans once
again divided and possibly conquered.
Kosovo raises questions about America's role in the world and the proper use
of U.S. forces - questions many Republicans admit the GOP isn't prepared to
answer.
Republicans can carp about Clinton's perceived failures, but they can't speak
with one voice about how they would do things better. They can complain about
the administration's neglect of military readiness, but they can't agree on what
the military should be ready to do.
The Cold War consensus on fighting communism no longer exists. Age-old fault
lines have reappeared within the GOP, separating nationalists from
internationalists and crusading moralists from hard-nosed practitioners of
Realpolitik, or foreign policy driven by power rather than principle.
''The Republicans - like the rest of the country - are still trying to figure
out what's going on after the Cold War's over,'' said Donald Devine, a
Republican strategist with the American Conservative Union.
''There is a movement toward trying to define the national interest less
broadly than it was before, but it's still very much of a debate within the
party,'' Devine said. ''It's a very significant divide. . . . Kosovo is drawing
the lines more clearly.''
To be sure, Democrats are not united. Some are leery about another
involvement in the Balkans. Others, like Sen. Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut,
favor intervention.
Even so, the loudest voices in Congress for and against war over Kosovo
belong to Republicans.
Smith - a longshot GOP presidential hopeful in the 2000 race - has argued
vigorously against NATO intervention, which he sees as a clear-cut violation of
Yugoslavia's national sovereignty. He also says intervention doesn't serve vital
U.S. interests.
''This is a very dangerous precedent. Where do we draw the line? What happens
when something happens in Ethiopia or Afghanistan or anywhere else?'' Smith
said. ''The U.S. military was not meant to be a 9-1-1 humanitarian response
force.''
On the other hand, Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky has advocated having the
U.S. enter the Kosovo civil war on the side of the Albanians.
McConnell has called for recognizing Kosovo as an independent Albanian state,
arming and training the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army and using NATO air power
against the Serbs.
Outside Congress, retired Sen. Bob Dole has been one of the most vocal
supporters of the Albanian cause. In articles and TV appearances, Dole has
glorified the KLA and vilified the Serbs. He also has lobbied his former
colleagues for NATO intervention.
Elizabeth Dole, a possible presidential candidate, is expected to share her
husband's aggressive views, which the ACU's Devine described as ''clearly
emotional and personal. It's not the result of any strategic or philosophical
perspective.''
A Dole Legacy
Some observers credit Dole with forging the Senate's pro-intervention
consensus on the Balkans. In July 1995, when the Clinton administration was
still dithering about what to do in Bosnia, The New Republic lauded Dole as
''The Last Interventionist'' and ''the Senate's leading Bosnia hawk.''
In explaining Dole's passion, The New Republic named his aide Mira Baratta.
Baratta's grandfather fought with pro-Nazi Croatian forces in World War II. Her
father, Petar Radielovic, has been a leading backer of Croatian nationalist
causes in the U.S. and a public defender of alleged Croatian war criminals.
In 1985, the Los Angeles Times reported that Radielovic engaged in a
''shouting and shoving match'' with Irv Rubin, head of the Jewish Defense
League, outside the U.S. Courthouse in Los Angeles.
The JDL was demonstrating in support of the extradition of Andrija Artukovic,
former justice and interior minister of the pro-Nazi Croatian puppet government.
Artukovic was the original ''Butcher of the Balkans,'' said Rubin, and was
responsible for the murder of 800,000 Serbs, Jews and Gypsies during the war.
On Capitol Hill, Baratta was known as a passionate anti-Serb. Sen. John
Warner, R-Va., publicly commended Baratta for her work in passing a Senate bill
that would have lifted the arms embargo on the Bosnia Muslims.
Baratta still works for Dole out of his Washington office with the law firm
of Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson and Hand.
A Reagan Legacy
Aside from Dole, aggressive intervention in the Balkans appeals to many
self-described Reaganites who believe not just in a strong military, but also in
the vigorous use of American military might for good causes abroad.
The Reaganites see intervention as a crucial test of American leadership and
NATO resolve. Many former Reagan officials - U.N. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick,
Assistant Secretary of State Richard Perle and Defense Secretary Caspar
Weinberger - have publicly endorsed sending NATO ground troops to Kosovo.
Reaganite presidential hopefuls include publisher Steve Forbes, Family
Research Council head Gary Bauer and Arizona Sen. John McCain.
Forbes is close to Caspar Weinberger, who's chairman of Forbes magazine and
has been the most hawkish on the Balkans. Bauer is more wary but believes the
U.S. has a ''moral role'' to play in the world.
''(Bauer) believes that American values as well as American security have to
be central to foreign policy,'' said Jeff Bell, senior consultant to Bauer's
presidential exploratory committee.
Other Republicans hotly dispute the ''Reaganite'' name.
''Reagan was pretty adept at deploying forces only in the national security
interests of the United States,'' said Sen. Smith. ''Beirut was an exception to
that, but that proved to be a mistake in retrospect.''
A Taft Legacy
Smith is one of three Republican presidential hopefuls on the GOP's
noninterventionist wing, which has long been linked to the late Sen. Robert A.
Taft of Ohio. The other two are columnist Patrick Buchanan and Rep. John Kasich
of Ohio.
Derided by opponents as ''isolationism,'' the Taft tradition has nonetheless
enjoyed a resurgence among Republicans since the end of the Cold War.
''Clearly that's not the mainstream (position) of the Republican Party, but
the party is much less resolutely internationalist than it was,'' said
Christopher Layne, visiting scholar at the University of Southern California's
Center for International Studies.
The Taft tradition also appeals to libertarian-leaning Republicans. ''I've
never heard of a limited-government empire,'' said Ted Carpenter, director of
defense and foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute.
Carpenter says adventurous foreign policy can lead to plenty of domestic
problems - the heavy taxation needed to maintain a large military, excessive
secrecy in the name of ''national security,'' the use of trade as a
foreign-policy weapon and the needless sacrifice of human life.
A Bush Legacy
Currently out of fashion in the GOP is the trade-minded Realpolitik of former
Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger and James Baker and President George Bush.
''Clinton has mostly continued Bush's foreign policy,'' said William Kristol,
editor of The Weekly Standard. He says the policy includes ''no fundamental
strategy on getting rid of Saddam, reluctance to get involved in the Balkans,
engagement sliding into appeasement on China (and) excessive belief in trade
solving all problems.
''For Republicans to make foreign policy an issue in 2000, they have to be
much more Reaganite and much less Bush-like,'' he said.
Texas Gov. George W. Bush, the current front-runner in the GOP race, has yet
to reveal his inclinations. He is expected to broaden his associations beyond
his father's old brain trust, though.
Bush has been meeting with former Reagan officials like Perle and former
Secretary of State George Shultz and former Bush officials like National
Security Council official Condoleezza Rice, who's now provost at Stanford
University.
Bush's direction may become clearer after he lists the members of his
presidential exploratory committee next week.
One former senior Reagan official described most of the Reagan veterans as
''more conservative'' and serious about national security, but also more
interested in Mideast security because of Israel.
At present, though, the issue is Kosovo.
Speaking from the noninterventionist corner, Eagle Forum President Phyllis
Schlafly said: ''I think Kosovo is a real litmus test for Republican
presidential candidates. There's just no excuse for it.''
The aggressively interventionist Weekly Standard agrees. A recent editorial
said: ''The outcome of this intra-GOP battle may shape the course of Republican
foreign policy for years to come, and it will certainly shape the contest in
2000.''
13. Dole Statement 3-4-99:
``It is my intention to bring this message to the leaders of the Albanian
people,'' Dole's statement declared. ``I will ask the Albanian leadership to put
their people first - without thought to their own position, power or personal
gain.''
14. Illyria, March 4, 1999; "Dole's Commitment
_______________________________________________________________
KCC (Kosova Crisis Center) http://www.alb-net.com/
Kosovapress http://www.kosovapress.com/
Koha Ditore (ARTA) http://www.kohaditore.com/ARTA/
Radio21 (English & Albanian) http://www.radio21.net/
Kosova Information Center http://www.kosova.com/
Kosova-Info-Line (German) http://www.kosova-info-line.de/
________________________________________________________________
Dole's Dedication
Illyria, Editorial, 3/4/1999
At the start of this decade, one man, then a powerful senator, stood on the
steps of the Capitol and vowed to fight for the rights of the Albanians in
Kosova.
Through the loud cheers of thousands of demonstrators, Bob Dole promised he
would visit Kosova and see at first hand the brutality of the Serb regime, which
aimed at the ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population.
Serb dictator Slobodan Milosevic, who later would win himself the deserved
nickname of the Butcher of the Balkans, had just launched a vicious attack on
the Albanian people and their institutions. The move marked the beginning of the
breakup of Yugoslavia.
The Western world, including America, was caught by surprise -- it rejected
the idea of the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation and thereby
unintentionally gave a boost to the ambitions of Milosevic who quickly used
force to oppose the secession of Slovenia, and later Croatia and Bosnia. He had
already placed Kosova under martial law and arrested thousands who dared to
oppose him.
While administration after administration appeased Milosevic in Europe and
the U.S., trying to talk him into stopping the genocidal wars against the people
of the former Yugoslavia, it was people like Dole who fired the early warning
shots -- Milosevic needed to be confronted -- militarily if necessary, and not
appeased.
Following his speech on the steps of the Capitol building, Dole later that
year visited Kosova as he had promised. If he had had any doubts about
Milosevic's intentions until then, they were gone after he saw people being
brutally beaten before him in front of the Grand Hotel in Prishtine, Kosova's
capital.
He came back, visibly shaken by what he had witnessed, testified in Congress,
urging the Bush Administration to take action. Unfortunately, action never
came.
Dole was then among the very few voices in support of Albanians' rights. The
man who later would run for president visited Kosova again and again. His belief
in the need to stop Milosevic grew stronger. Last year when hundreds of
thousands of Albanians were hiding in the woods across the Kosova mountains as
their villages lay in ruins amid the shelling of Serb forces, Dole, despite
fragile health, visited the refugees, promising to help bring peace to their
country.
Dole is on his way back to Kosova, although on Thursday Belgrade was giving
him a hard time by dragging its feet on issuing him a visa. We hope this
unpleasantness is only temporary, and that the world can get back to the serious
business of creating peace in that troubled region.
This time Dole will urge the Albanians to accept a U.S. plan that would help
stop the war and give Albanians a chance to normalize their lives -- at least
temporarily, in their struggle to win full independence from Serbia one day.
This time he will not only speak on his own -- President Clinton has asked
him to be his envoy in trying to persuade the Albanians that U.S. intentions are
good and that the White House is serious about the issue.
Not that the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright is not a respected U.S.
official among the Albanians (her dedication on the issue is to be admired), but
Bob Dole brings to Kosova a familiar face -- the face of a man who has fought
for their rights in the past and continues to do so.
If Albanians are going to make a compromise for anyone, they should make it
for Dole. Despite a few cynics and skeptics, the U.S. is the only country that
has a history of sticking up for the Albanians, beginning with President Woodrow
Wilson, who insisted on Albania's independence at the end of Wold War I.
Bob Dole is living proof of that American tradition and dedication. Secretary
Albright and President Clinton have made the right decision in sending Dole to
Kosova. Albanians should think long and hard before they turn down someone like
Bob Dole. Our belief -- and hope -- is that they won't.
_____________________________________________________________
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15. TESTIMONY OF HON. JOSEPH J. DIOGUARDI,
PRESIDENT, ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE
Hearing, May 6, 1998
Critique of U.S. Foreign Policy in Kosova
Mr. Chairman, on behalf of 400,000 Albanians in America, I want to thank you
for holding this important hearing on Kosova. For us and for seven million
Albanians living side by side in their historic lands within and outside of the
current State of Albania, U.S. foreign policy in the Balkans has failed.
Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic managed to bluff and outwit the West in
Bosnia until he faced military force. All that he faces today are more of the
economic sanctions that he has managed to withstand for years. President George
Bush's threat of force (the so called Christmas warning) kept Kosova relatively
quiet for six years. As Milosevic again applies brutal paramilitary force
against Albanians in Kosova, we now risk another Balkan war that this time will
spill over into neighboring states.
Six years ago, in 1992, Patrick Glynn wrote in an article entitled
"Yugoblunder" that "U.S. handling of the Yugoslav crisis is in fact a case study
in how not to conduct foreign policy in the post-cold war world, combining lack
of intellectual rigor and carelessness with what [then] Senator Al Gore has
termed `moral obtuseness' about the conflicts and issues at stake. .The main
factor in the Bush administration's mishandling of Yugoslavia was its devotion
to geopolitical 'stability' at the expense of democratic values and human
rights." This is exactly what we are facing again today in Kosova.
Incredibly, our foreign policy in the Balkans, which is failing day by day,
is dependent on the cooperation of Slobodan Milosevic, who many believe should
be brought up on charges for his barbaric actions in Bosnia and now in Kosova by
the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. In fact, on May 3, 1998, the Associated
Press reported that Radovan Karadzic, the Serbian warlord already indicted for
crimes against humanity in Bosnia, is preparing to corroborate Western
intelligence reports linking Milosevic directly to the July 1995 massacre of
thousands of Muslims in Srebrenica, which is considered to be one of Europe's
worst acts of genocide since the Nazi era. Yet we continue to treat Milosevic as
an equal partner on the international diplomatic stage. Is this not a
continuation of the "moral obtuseness" that Vice President Gore lamented as a
senator?
Are we going to repeat the failures in Bosnia that led us, finally, to use
measured force three years too late, resulting in the deaths of more than
200,000 innocent civilians? It is happening already in Kosova, where since the
end of February, one third of this formerly autonomous province has been
completely surrounded by Serbian military and paramilitary units using tanks,
armored personnel carriers, helicopters, and heavy artillery. As we speak,
twenty villages in Kosova are under twenty-four-hour shelling. It is ludicrous
to believe the Serbian press that this is a local police action, rather than a
carefully orchestrated effort by Slobodan Milosevic to continue his campaign of
"ethnic cleansing" of the Albanian population of Kosova and, ultimately, of the
Balkans. He has made no secret of his designs for a "Greater Serbia," and he is
following in the footsteps of other Serbian ultranationalists, whose main goal
and political platform has been the expulsion of the Albanians from their
ancient lands in the Balkans. (To understand this, one need only read "The
Expulsion of the Albanians," a plan presented to the government in Belgrade in
1937 by Dr. Vaso Cubrilovic, a prominent Serbian academician and government
minister.)
One of the main failures of our U.S. foreign policy towards Kosova is the
disconnect between our professed adherence to the fundamental principles of
human rights and our failure to assume a leadership role in Kosova in the face
of some of the most egregious examples of human rights violations in modern
history. One need only look at the State Department's 1997 country report for
Serbia to see a litany of horrors against a population of two million Albania
civilians in Kosova. While the United States customarily places a premium on
human rights in its dealings with the international community, when it comes to
Kosova, it appears that we are bending over backwards to accommodate a war
criminal and his Russian supporters.
Why are we not adhering to our own stated foreign policy, set forth by
President Bush as he was leaving office and embraced by President Clinton as he
was entering office, that a "line in the sand" is drawn in Kosova and that the
United States will not tolerate any Serbian troops there? Since the end of
February, the Serbian army disguised as police has surrounded the Drenice and
Decan regions of Kosova and slaughtered more than 150 people (many more are
missing and seriously wounded) . At a hearing on March 12, Ambassador Robert
Gelbard, the president's envoy for the implementation of the Dayton Accords,
verified that the Bush/Clinton warning is the current foreign policy of the
United States. So why is the United States not enforcing its own policy and
allowing the Albanians of Kosova to be slaughtered? It is clear by his actions
that Milosevic views the United States as a "paper tiger," with sanctions and no
action. This has been the case for the past ten years.
Another key objective of our foreign policy is to preserve peace and security
in Europe. As stated in Article 39 of the UN Charter, a threat to peace occurs,
among other things, when civil strife within a state creates an immediate danger
of a breach of the peace, and it goes on to say that civil strife constitutes a
breach of the peace if actually recognized by most states as belligerency. This
is clearly the case in Kosova.
The Greek Foreign Defense Minister recently stated that "Kosova is like a
hand grenade, and if we pull the pin anymore, it will explode." Likewise, a
spokesperson from the Turkish Foreign Ministry stated that I!the Kosova crisis,
if unchecked, could destabilize the Balkan region and therefore European
security." Above all, NATO condemned the excessive use of force by the Yugoslav
army in Kosova, and said that the North Atlantic Council is profoundly concerned
about the deterioration of the situation there and was considering 11possible
further means" to maintaining stability, in view of the risk of escalating the
conflict in the region
On April 27, a spokesperson from the U.S. State Department said that if the
Contact Group members did not agree to a new sanctions package, the United
States would act unilaterally. The United States reiterated the UN and the
Contact Group's call for the immediate withdrawal of special police units from
Kosova and the need for unconditional dialogue. And yet when the Contact Group
met in Rome on April 29, the United States capitulated to a weak proposal for
more sanctions under pressure especially from Russia, which has gone out its way
not to support us in dealing with Iran, Iraq, and China.
It is obvious that the sanctions are not really an issue to Belgrade, which
has already survived six years of tough economic sanctions In the meantime, how
many Kosovar Albanians will die while the sanctions remain in effect? The
Albanian American Civic League, for which I am the volunteer president, contends
that sanctions will have no effect on the Belgrade regime whatsoever. They will
only serve to bolster nationalistic fervor on Milosevic's behalf. Only resolve
will work, and that will have to come from the only superpower left in the
world, the United States of America taking the lead with our NATO allies.
In conclusion, the two million ethnic Albanians of Kosova, who comprise more
than 90 percent of the population there, have no human, economic, or political
rights of any kind. Slobodan Milosevic has illegally and brutally occupied
Kosova for almost ten years. (See addendum for a short history of Kosova.)
Kosova is where he started the carnage that led to the rape and pillage in
Bosnia, and now will lead to an even greater Balkan war if we do not act now.
It is time for our State Department to understand that loose talk that brands
the victims as "terrorists" for defending themselves, their families, and their
property only serves to give a green light to the real terrorists, Milosevic and
his henchmen, to massacre innocent people.
It is time for the United States to stand up for its own principles and
demand compliance with international human rights conventions before more
Albanians are needlessly slaughtered and a new Balkan war is triggered, this
time involving neighboring Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey.
It is time for Congress to stand up and voice its outrage at a foreign policy
in the Balkans that has obviously failed to preserve peace and security in this
vital region of the world. It is time for the United States to back up its tough
words with concrete actions--such as declaring a no-fly zone in Kosova, ringing
Serbia's borders with NATO troops, and moving an aircraft carrier off the coast
of Montenegro. These actions would not only reaffirm our resolve to stop the
escalation of the conflict in Kosova, but, I believe, would lead to a lasting
peace for the Albanian people and all ethnic groups in the Balkans.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Addendum:
Testimony of the Hon. Joseph J. DioGuardi
A History of Serbian "Ethnic CIeansing" of the Albanians in Kosova
SERBIAN "ETHNIC CLEANSING" OF ALBANIANS IN KOSOVA
Kosova lies in the south of former Yugoslavia, bordered by Serbia proper to
the northeast, Montenegro to the north, Macedonia to the south, and Albania to
the southwest. More than 90 percent of its 2 million people are Albanian, and
most of the rest are Serbs. Albanians also live in large numbers in all of the
aforementioned areas bordering Kosova: 1 million in Macedonia; 100,000 in
Montenegro; 50,000 in Serbia proper (Presheve, Medvegje, and Bujanovc); and 3.5
million in the State of Albania--a divided nation of about 7 million people
living side by side.
THE KOSOVA PROBLEM SINCE WORLD WAR II
The 1946 Yugoslav constitution recognized the separate identity of Kosova. At
the same time, it divided Albanian-inhabited lands among Serbia, Albania,
Macedonia, and Montenegro. In 1963, under the influence of Serbian secret police
boss Alexander Rankovic, Kosova was incorporated as a commune in Serbia. After
Rankovic's fall in 1974, Kosova was reinstated as an autonomous province and
given federal representation equal to that of the six Yugoslav republics of
Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-IIerzegovina, Macedonia, Slovenia, and Montenegro.
Following Tito's death, persecution by Serbian government troops ensued,
which led to massive student uprisings in Kosova in 1981. The Serbian police and
troops killed at least twenty-two Albanians and beat, wounded, and arrested
thousands more. From 1981 to 1988, official statistics confirm the arrest and
jailing of more than 7,000 people and the incredible figure of 586,000 Albanians
(more than 25 percent of the population) who passed through the hands of the
police for one reason or another.
Serbian determination to strip Kosova of its independence accelerated the
violence. In 1989, the Serbian authorities forcibly.abolished the autonomy of
Kosova and sent Yugoslav tanks to patrol the streets. Six days of rioting
ensued, during which more than 100 Albanians were killed and more than 900 were
arrested.
In April 1990, facing more demonstrations, Serbia passed a special law
extending prior emergency measures. The people of Kosova through their Assembly
responded on July 2 with a declaration of independence. Three days later, Serbia
suspended the Kosova Assembly, falsely purporting that the Serbian minority in
Kosova was being oppressed by the Albanian majority. Serbia then seized some
seventy-five enterprises, including hospitals and energy plants. On September 7,
following a general strike, the Assembly met secretly, proclaimed Kosova a
Republic within the Yugoslav federation, and adopted a constitution. By
September 17, its 111 Albanian members had been arrested or had fled into hiding
or exile.
On September 28, 1990, Serbia adopted a new constitution that completely
eliminated Kosova's autonomy. As of mid-1991, the people of Kosova held a
referendum in which 87 percent of the population participated, resulting in a 99
percent vote in favor of an independent state. On October 19, 1991, based on
this referendum, Kosova was declared a sovereign, independent state and a
transitional government was formed. On May 24, 1992, the first multiparty
elections for parliament and president of the Republic of Kosova took place. On
June 23, 1992, however, the Serbian police used armed vehicles to prevent the
seating of the newly-elected government in Kosova.
In the years that followed, life for the Albanian people of Kosova
deteriorated dramatically. In spite of their policy of peaceful resistance, the
barbaric treatment at the hands of the Serbian police, paramilitary, and
military forces persisted unchecked on a daily basis.
KOSOVA UNDER SERBIAN OCCUPATION
Serbian police have expelled nearly all Albanian physicians, dismissed 7,000
students, prohibited the use of Albanian as a language of instruction, closed
the University of Prishtina, replaced Albanian judges with Serbian jurists, and
engaged in random beatings, kidnappings, torture, house searches, and killing.
The Serbian government has shut down Albanian radio and television operations
and used its own media to promote anti-Albanian racism in the region.
Economic strangulation has been a key element of Serbia's takeover of Kosova.
"Compulsory administration" has been imposed on most of Kosova's more than one
hundred economic centers, resulting in the collapse of Kosova's economy. More
than 75,000 Albanian families are unemployed. It is estimated that close to half
a million Albanians are suffering from food shortages, and there is a very real
danger of widespread starvation. Many analysts believe that the Serbian
government is trying to bring the Albanian population to its knees through
hunger.
With no real recognition and intervention by the international community to
prevent the daily brutality inflicted on innocent civilians, Albanians had no
choice but to resort to the self defense of their families, neighbors, property,
and communities. The ill equipped Kosova Liberation Army emerged from this
struggle to survive and it has declared itself as a defense force with no
terrorist aims. The most recent events in Kosova, from February 28 to March 8,
1998 in the Drenica region, including the villages of Prekaz, Voynich, Llansha,
and Likosan clearly demonstrate what has been feared all along; namely that the
atrocities the world witnessed in Bosnia will be repeated in Kosova and will
result in a completely lopsided conflict in which the unarmed civilian
population of Kosova is massacred. A full-scale civil war is certain to involve
the larger Aloanian population of Macedonia, Montenegro, southern Serbia, and
Albania, and this would make the nightmare of a second genocidal war in Europe
in this century a reality.
CONCLUSION
The Albanian American Civic League believes that the West must play an
immediate role in stopping the Serbian assault on Albanian villages, which has
as its aim the "ethnic cleansing" of the Albanians of Kosova. Because of the
importance of the Balkans to our national security President Clinton had already
dispatched some three hundred American troops to neighboring Macedonia as
observers, and we have committed a substantial contingent of American soldiers
in Bosnia. With the recent, tragic Serbian assault on Kosova, it is now time to
take strong measures to prevent further bloodshed.
President Bush on his way out of office and President Clinton on assuming
office clearly put Slobodan Milosevic on notice that "a line had been drawn in
the sand on Kosova." President Clinton should now make good on this foreign
policy declaration by implementing a swift and powerful counter stroke against
any further aggression against the Albanians in Kosova.
16. Albanian American PAC
PAC Contributions to Federal Candidates, 1997-1998*
To Democrats: $12,600( 25%)To Republicans: $29,500( 59%)Total: $50,100
INDUSTRY: HUMAN RIGHTS; MINORITY/ETHNIC GROUPS
FEC NAME: ALBANIAN AMERICAN PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
(ELMSFORD, NY 10523)
FEC COMMITTEE ID NUMBER: C00278689
(LOOK UP ACTUAL DOCUMENTS FILED WITH THE FEC)
House CandidateTotal Contribs
Dioguardi, Joseph J (3-NY) $8,000
Dornan, Robert K (R-CA) $500
Gilman, Benjamin A (R-NY) $10,000
King, Peter T (R-NY) $3,000
Lantos, Tom (D-CA) $10,000
Rohrabacher, Dana (R-CA) $5,000
Smith, Christopher H (R-NJ) $10,000
Traficant, James A Jr (D-OH) $2,600
Total to House Democrats:$12,600
Total to House Republicans:$28,500
Senate CandidateTotal Contribs D'Amato, Alfonse M (R-NY) $1,000
Total to Senate Democrats:$0 Total to Senate Republicans:$1,000
*Based on data released electronically by the FEC on March 1, 1999
* * * *
Political Organizations
Sponsor: ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE
Treasurer: SHIRLEY A CLOYES
[Non-Candidate Committee] [QUALIFIED NON-PARTY]
Kind of Committee: 5 OLD ROAD, ELMSFORD, NY 10523
Related PACs
ALBANIAN AMERICAN PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
SIC Coverage Dates: Itemized DEM Cand Contribs Itemized REP Cand Contribs
Itemized OTHER Cand Contribs
Political Organizations
POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS - GENERAL
POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS - GENERAL 01/01/97 - 12/31/98 $12,600 $29,500
$8,000 Related Soft Money Transactions No Related Soft Money
Contributions
Activity Through: 12/31/98
Total Receipts: $64,174.00
Total Disbursements Made: $64,090.00
Beginning Cash-On-Hand at start of election cycle: $55.00
Ending Cash-On-Hand as of 12/31/98: $135.00
[1] FEC Info Contributions: ALBANIAN AMERICAN PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE -
C00278689 28 contributions from/to this Committee - '98
[2] BLACK AMERICA'S POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE
06/14/98 $200.00 contribution made
[4] ITALIAN AMERICAN REPUBLICAN COALITION
10/27/98 $250.00 contribution made
[6] BLACK AMERICA'S POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE
12/31/97 $100.00 contribution made -
[8] BLACK AMERICANS FOR LIFE PAC
12/29/98 $100.00 contribution made
[10] BOOMER AGENDA; THE
06/02/98 $500.00 contribution made
[12] TOM LANTOS FOR CONGRESS COMMITTEE HSE-DEM CA/12
03/25/98 $5,000.00 contribution made
06/10/98 $5,000.00 contribution made
[15] PETE KING FOR CONGRESS COMMITTEE HSE-REP NY/03
03/25/98 $3,000.00 contribution made
[17] PEOPLE FOR DIOGUARDI HSE-RTL NY/19
04/03/98 $2,000.00 contribution made
06/12/98 $2,000.00 contribution made
07/30/98 $1,000.00 contribution made
09/23/98 $1,000.00 contribution made
03/24/97 $2,000.00 contribution made
[23] TRAFICANT FOR CONGRESS HSE-DEM OH/17
08/30/97 $1,000.00 contribution made
08/30/97 $600.00 contribution made
12/28/97 $1,000.00 contribution made
[27] DORNAN FOR CONGRESS HSE-REP CA/46
09/23/98 $500.00 contribution made
[29]CITIZENS COMMITTEE FOR GILMAN FOR CONGRESS HSE-REP NY/20
03/14/97 $1,700.00 contribution made
10/23/97 $350.00 contribution made
11/25/97 $1,000.00 contribution made
12/28/97 $1,050.00 contribution made
12/28/97 $1,950.00 contribution made
03/25/98 $3,950.00 contribution made
[36] COMMITTEE TO RE-ELECT CONGRESSMAN DANA ROHRABACHER HSE-REP CA/45
03/25/98 $5,000.00 contribution made
[38]COMMITTEE TO RE-ELECT CONGRESSMAN CHRIS SMITH HSE-REP NJ/04
04/16/98 $2,000.00 contribution made
06/05/98 $5,000.00 contribution made
05/11/98 $3,000.00 contribution made
[42]FRIENDS OF SENATOR D'AMATO (1998 COMMITTEE) SEN-REP NY
06/20/98 $1,000.00 contribution made
Totals: $51,250.00 - contribution made
FEC Info Contributions from individuals: 39 contributions listed for
Contributions to the ALBANIAN AMERICAN PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE '98
ABDIU, DESTAN 6/9/98 $5,000.00 REAL ESTATE OWNER/MANAGER
AHMETI, ISLAM 6/8/98 $500.00 ARLINGTON, TX 76018 RESTAURANTEUR
AJRO, REDZEP 6/8/98 $500.00 BEDFORD, TX 76021 RESTAURANTEUR
ALICKAJ, AGIM 4/1/98 $300.00 BRONX, NY 10468 KOSOVATOURS
ALILI, REDZEP 6/10/98 $200.00 MARGATE CITY, NJ 08402 RESTAURANTEUR
BALAJ, ZEF 4/24/98 $2,500.00 CHAPPAQUA, NY 10514 REALTOR
BARDHI, IMER 3/16/98 $1,000.00 FLOWERMOUND, TX 75028 BARIS PIZZA
BARDHI, SEBIAN 6/8/98 $1,000.00 FLOWER MOUND, TX 75028 RESTAURANTEUR
BARLAJ, ABE 3/25/98 $1,000.00 CHICAGO, IL 60610 LASALLE MGT
CEKA, BRUNO 6/8/98 $1,000.00 IRVING, TX 75063 RESTAURANTEUR
FERA, SABIT 6/8/98 $500.00 FLOWER MOUND, TX 75028 BARI'S PIZZA
GJONBALAJ, FERO 3/25/98 $5,000.00 MILLSTONE, NJ 07726 PERFECT BLDG MGT
HALILI, ADNAN 6/8/98 $500.00 FLOWER MOUND, TX 75028 RESTAURANTEUR
HOT, ALBER 3/25/98 $5,000.00 NEW YORK, NY 10001 FAST TRACK CONSTRUCTION -
HOTI, CHASIM 8/20/98 $200.00 ACHORAGE, AL 99510 CITY OF BARROW
ITIL, TURAN 11/7/97 $2,000.00 NYACK, NY 10960 NEUROCORP
KABA, NURI 3/25/98 $1,000.00 ARLINGTON, TX 76012 OB MCCART APTS
KABA, NURI 6/8/98 $500.00 ARLINGTON, TX 76012 OB MCCART APTS
KELMENDI, AGIM 12/16/97 $500.00 BROOKLYN, NY 11218 RED EAGLE CAR SERVICE
KELMENDI, AGIM; 3/25/98 $5,000.00; BROOKLYN, NY 11218; RED EAGLE CAR SERVICE
KELMENDI, AGIM 6/20/97 $500.00 BROOKLYN, NY 11218
KRASNIQI, FLORIM; 4/1/98 $5,000.00; BROOKLYN, NY 11218; TRIANGLE GENERAL
CONTRACTING
KRASNIQI, ISMAIL 6/8/98 $500.00 GARLAND, TX 75040 RESTAURANTEUR
KUKA, MYSUM 12/16/97 $300.00 BEACON, NY 12508 REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER
LITA, FAIK 6/10/98 $200.00 STATEN ISLAND, NY 10314 DOUBLE DELIGHT DAIRY
MARKU, BEQIR 3/25/98 $5,000.00 BROOKLYN, NY BIG APPLE ROOFING
MARKU, TAHIBE 6/10/98 $300.00 BROOKLYN, NY 11229
MEHMETI, NICK 6/8/98 $500.00 DALLAS, TX 75243 RESTAURANTEUR
MEMETI, RIFAT 4/23/98 $1,000.00 STATEN ISLAND, NY 10305 NICK'S NOT RAY'S
PIZZA
ODZA, NASIR 6/8/98 $500.00 ALLEN, TX 75002 RESTAURANTEUR
REDZEPI, SALAEDIN 6/10/98 $200.00 EGG HARBOR TOWNSHI, NJ 08221 SOUTH END
PIZZA
REXHEPI, SALI 6/10/98 $500.00 BRONX, NY 10471 DORAL TUSCANY HOTEL
SALI, BEDRI 6/8/98 $200.00 FLOWER MOUND, TX 75028 RESTAURANTEUR
SALIU, AJREDIN 6/8/98 $1,000.00 LEWISVILLE, TX 75028 RESTAURANTEUR
SALIU, AZEM 6/8/98 $500.00 BROWNWOOD, TX 76801 RESTAURANTEUR -
SHARE, SADRI 5/27/98 $500.00 AURORA, IL 60506 TOOL & DYE
SMAJLI, ISMET 6/8/98 $500.00 FLOWER MOUND, TX 75028 RESTAURANTEUR
XHEMA, JIM 3/17/97 $2,000.00 GREENWICH, CT 06831
ZADRIMA, JOHN 5/4/98 $2,500.00 BRONX, NY 10469
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First posted: February 27, 2003
Last revised: May 31, 2004
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