|"Original Nazis were more honest.
At least, they openly said what they planned to do."
of the Serbian province of Kosovo
It was 1999 - the last year of one whole Millennia. For thousands of years
the West spread its "culture" of conquest through countless wars, pillage and
mass murder. For some reason, the controlling elite always had a need to explain
to the masses why exactly this, current war was so important. For eons
the rulers of the West called the masses to die for glory, or for God. Frequently
Christians were to charge on other Christians in the name of Jesus Christ, Himself.
NATO's war against sovereign, multiethnic country of Yugoslavia was only a bit
different. Wealthy from centuries of pillage, superior in technology of mass destruction,
more than half a BILLION strong Christian nations of the West attacked
a tiny Christian Orthodox country of ten million demanding that it gives away
the very cradle of its Christian culture - and hand it over to Islam
Merciless bombing of Yugoslav schools, bridges and hospitals lasted for full two
months but the proud Serbian people was not to give in. Remembering the ancient
battle of 1389 when entire Serbian nobility perished in a gigantic battle on Kosovo
fields, as the Serbs of that era tried to stop Islamic Turkish conquest, the
Serbian people followed in the footsteps of their ancestors and dared NATO airplanes
by dancing on the streets, sitting in factories that were about to be bombed and
organizing concerts on remaining, not yet demolished bridges.
Quite demoralizing for the "noble" conqueror, wouldn't you say?
So, this is the frame of events for this world wonder that is right in front of your
After months of bombing The Emperor of the Evil Empire had to take matters in
his own hands and explain the matters to the demoralized nation. Having rich heritage
of hypocrisy on his side, still dripping from the Monica Lewinsky
political sex scandal of the year before, William Jefferson Clinton,
set to write this open letter to New York Times. George Orwell himself would
be shocked to learn what Big Brother had to say. Orwell's nightmare of the world
slipping into global totalitarianism was fast becoming reality. His novel "1984" was
meant as a warning - but now, half a century after he published it, the forces of
yet another, dark, New World Order were to use it - as a manual!
The moral abyss expressed in this Clinton's letter will take generations to explore.
We can only point to some of the gloomy corridors. Clinton's sentences are pregnant with
Orwell-described "Double Speak." You would have to flip every one to its opposite to get
what he really meant to say. We will put the translations on the "green stickers." Please,
follow the links if you want to learn more.
A Just and Necessary War
By WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
The New York Times News Service
May 23, 1999
NOTE: NATO bombing started almost exactly
two months before - March 24, 1999.
The text is given in its entirety. Again, for the translation from
the Orwellian "Double Speak," please read the green stickers.
For fair use only
Published under the provision of
U.S. Code, Title 17, section 107.
WASHINGTON -- We are in Kosovo with our allies to stand for a Europe, within
our reach for the first time, that is peaceful, undivided and free. And we
are there to stand against the greatest remaining threat to that vision:
instability in the Balkans, fueled by a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing.
The problem is not simply ethnic hatred, or even ethnic conflict. The people
of the former Yugoslavia have lived together for centuries with greater and
lesser degrees of conflict, but not the constant "cleansing" of peoples from
their land. Had they experienced nothing but that, their nations would be
homogenous today, not endlessly diverse.
The intolerable conditions the region finds itself in today are the result of
a decadelong campaign by Slobodan Milosevic to build a greater Serbia by
singling out whole peoples for destruction because of their ethnicity and
faith. The brutal methods are familiar now. Spreading hate in the media.
Killing moderate leaders. Arming paramilitaries and ordering soldiers to
conduct planned campaigns of murder and expulsion. Eradicating the culture,
the heritage, the very record of the presence of his victims. Refugees are
not a byproduct of the fighting he has initiated; the fighting is designed to
create refugees. We are haunted by the images of people driven from their
homes, pushing the elderly in wheelbarrows, telling stories of relatives
We saw this for the first time in Croatia and in Bosnia. The international
community responded at first with a studied neutrality that equated victims
with aggressors; it followed with diplomacy and the deployment of unarmed
peacekeepers with the mandate, but not the means, to protect civilians. By
the time NATO acted, 250,000 people were dead, more than two million
displaced, and many have still not returned. People will look back on Kosovo
and say that this time, because we acted soon and forcefully enough, more
lives were saved and the refugees all came home. The Balkan conflict that
began 10 years ago in Kosovo will have ended in Kosovo.
We cannot respond to such tragedies everywhere, but when ethnic conflict
turns into ethnic cleansing where we can make a difference, we must try, and
that is clearly the case in Kosovo. Had we faltered, the result would have
been a moral and strategic disaster. The Kosovars would have become a people
without a homeland, living in difficult conditions in some of the poorest
countries in Europe, overwhelming new democracies. The Balkan conflict would
have continued indefinitely, posing a risk of a wider war and of continuing
tensions with Russia. NATO itself would have been discredited for failing to
defend the very values that give it meaning. Those who say Kosovo is too
small to be of great importance forget these simple facts.
When the violence in Kosovo began in early 1998, we exhausted every
diplomatic avenue for a settlement. Last October, we convinced Mr. Milosevic
that he should withdraw some forces from Kosovo and allow an unarmed
international presence. That is the solution advocates of compromise propose
today. But it failed last fall. Mr. Milosevic broke his promises, poured more
troops into Kosovo, poised for an offensive he had been planning for months.
When it began, we had to act.
Mr. Milosevic's strategy has been to outlast us by dividing the alliance. He
has failed. Instead of disunity in Brussels, there are growing signs of
disaffection in Belgrade: Serbian soldiers abandoning their posts, Serbian
civilians protesting the policies of their leader, young men avoiding
conscription, prominent Serbs calling on Mr. Milosevic to accept NATO's
conditions. Meanwhile, our air campaign has destroyed or damaged one-third of
Serbia's armored vehicles in Kosovo, half its artillery, most of its ability
to produce ammunition, all its capacity to refine fuel and done enormous
damage to other sectors of its economy. Though he has driven hundreds of
thousands of Kosovar Albanians from their homes, Mr. Milosevic has not
eliminated the Kosovar Liberation Army. Indeed, its ranks are swelling, and
it has begun to go on the offensive against Serb forces hunkered down to hide
from air strikes.
Now Mr. Milosevic faces the certainty of continuing air strikes, the
persistence of the K.L.A. and the prospect of having to answer to his people
for starting an unwinnable conflict that is bringing military failure and
economic ruin. The question now is not whether his ethnic cleansing will be
reversed, but when, and how much of his military he is willing to see
destroyed along the way.
While I do not rule out other military options, we are pursuing our present
strategy for three reasons. First, and most important, it is working and will
succeed in meeting NATO's basic conditions of restoring the Kosovars to their
homes, with Serb forces out of Kosovo and the deployment of an international
security force. This force must have NATO at its core, which means it must
have NATO command and control and NATO rules of engagement, with special
arrangements for non-NATO countries, just like our force in Bosnia. Our
military campaign will continue until these conditions are met, not because
we are stubborn or arbitrary, but because these are the only conditions under
which the refugees will go home in safety and under which the K.L.A. have any
incentive to disarm -- the basic requirements of a resolution that will work.
Second, this strategy has broad and deep support in the alliance, and allows
us to meet our objectives. While there may be differences in domestic
circumstances, cultural ties to the Balkans and ideas on tactics, there is no
question about our unity on goals and our will to prevail. I have worked hard
to shape our present consensus; 60 days into the air campaign, NATO is more
unified on Kosovo than it was at the beginning.
Third, this strategy gives us the best opportunity to meet our goals in a way
that strengthens, not weakens, our fundamental interest in a long-term,
positive relationship with Russia. Russia is now helping to work out a way
for Belgrade to meet our conditions. Russian troops should participate in the
force that will keep the peace in Kosovo, turning a source of tension into an
opportunity for cooperation, like our joint effort in Bosnia.
Finally, we must remember that the reversal of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo is
not sufficient to end ethnic conflict in the Balkans and establish lasting
stability. The European Union and the United States must do for southeastern
Europe what we did for Western Europe after World War II and for Central
Europe after the cold war. Freedom, respect for minority rights, and
prosperity are powerful forces for progress. They give people goals to work
for; they elevate hope over fear and tomorrow over yesterday.
We can do that by rebuilding struggling economies, encouraging trade and
investment and helping the nations of the region join NATO and the European
Already, the region's democracies are responding to the pull of integration
by sticking with their reforms, taking in refugees and supporting NATO's
campaign. A democratic Serbia that respects the rights of its people and its
neighbors can and should join them.
If it does, we will help to restore it to its rightful place as a European
state in the Balkans, not a balkanized state at the periphery of Europe.
The Balkans are not fated to be the heart of European darkness, a region of
bombed mosques, men and boys shot in the back, young women raped, all traces
of group and individual history rewritten or erased. Just as leaders took
their people down that road, leaders must take them back to a better
tomorrow. Ultimately, we and our allies can help make this happen, if we
stick with NATO's campaign and follow through with a strategy to insure that
the forces pulling southeastern Europe together are stronger than the forces
tearing it apart.
William Jefferson Clinton is the 42d President.
[ NATO's conquest of Kosovo ]
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First posted: October 28, 2006